The Communist Manifesto

The Communist Manifesto begins by stating that the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. It introduces the idea of a specter of Communism haunting Europe, with all the old powers uniting against it. The authors assert that it is time for Communists to openly publish their views and aims. The first section, "Bourgeois and Proletarians," details the historical development of class struggle, from ancient societies with their patricians and plebeians, to the Middle Ages with lords and serfs, culminating in modern bourgeois society. This society, driven by industry and the world market, has simplified class antagonisms into two main opposing classes: the bourgeoisie (the capitalist class) and the proletariat (the working class). The bourgeoisie has played a revolutionary role by destroying feudalism and establishing modern industry, but in doing so, it has also created the proletariat. The text describes how the bourgeoisie exploits the proletariat, reducing labor to a mere commodity and subjecting workers to the whims of the market and machinery. It explains that as industry develops, the proletariat grows in number and consciousness, leading to struggles against the bourgeoisie. These struggles, initially fragmented, will eventually unite into a national, political class struggle, leading to the inevitable overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat. The second section, "Proletarians and Communists," clarifies the relationship between Communists and the proletariat. Communists are presented not as a separate party but as the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties, possessing a clear understanding of the movement's goals. Their primary aim is the formation of the proletariat into a class, the overthrow of bourgeois supremacy, and the conquest of political power. The Manifesto argues that the distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property in general, but the abolition of bourgeois private property, which is based on the exploitation of the many by the few. It addresses criticisms, explaining that Communism does not aim to abolish personal property acquired through one's own labor, but rather the property that allows for the exploitation of others' labor. The text also discusses the abolition of the family, country, and nationality, asserting that these concepts, as understood in bourgeois society, will vanish with the abolition of capital and class antagonism. It argues that bourgeois ideas of freedom, culture, and law are merely reflections of bourgeois production and property relations. The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature," critiques various forms of socialism: Feudal Socialism (an aristocracy attempting to rally the people by posing as protectors of the exploited), Petty-Bourgeois Socialism (representing the interests of the declining middle class), and German, or "True," Socialism (a philosophical distortion of French socialist ideas). It also discusses Conservative, or Bourgeois, Socialism, which seeks to reform society without challenging the fundamental capitalist system, and Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism, which, while recognizing class antagonism, propose idealized solutions detached from historical reality. The final section, "Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties," outlines the Communists' strategy. They support all revolutionary movements against the existing social and political order, always bringing the property question to the forefront. They advocate for the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions, believing that the proletariat has nothing to lose but its chains and a world to win. The Manifesto concludes with the famous call: "Working Men of All Countries, Unite!"